How did it happen that civil society once managed to unite in the fight against the communist dictatorship, while today it cannot jointly fight even for the smallest issues? Admittedly, this struggle often took rather minor forms, yet Poles supported one another. Today, by contrast, it is difficult for us to unite in action when matters concern our street or district. Where has civil society gone in a Poland that is now free? Unrestrained, sovereign and fully independent. Does the word “solidarity” still mean anything today?
The fall of the communist system in Poland was a tremendous success, all the more so because it took place bloodlessly, without a single shot being fired, although it would not have been possible without the victims of workers’ protests in the 1970s and 1980s. Nevertheless, this success was squandered in the Third Polish Republic. Instead of continuing a shared struggle in the economic and social spheres, deep political divisions emerged which—as it seems—are currently impossible to overcome. These divisions, however, are not something new in our centuries-old history. It has long been known that we were able to unite in matters of extraordinary importance to us, but as soon as the sound of cannons dies away, we begin our own little war.
The best example of a divided society is the period of the partitions and the times preceding them. Some historians believe that after the partitions Poland never rebuilt its European position. Certainly, it is no longer possible to recreate it territorially. The fall of the First Polish Republic was caused above all by the nobility’s inflated privileges. The well-known and respected magnate families also exploited the state apparatus excessively for their own purposes. The free election and various arrangements accompanying the election of the monarch led to corruption. When a new king was chosen, European rulers were in reality settling their own affairs, often involving Poland in conflicts that were entirely alien to us.
The Targowica Confederation remains a stain on the nation’s honor. Established by the magnate camp together with Empress Catherine, it aimed to overthrow the Constitution of 3 May. It was an outright betrayal by some Poles and the establishment of a lasting alliance with Russia. Of course, the Russians were not interested in a permanent alliance, but in permanent dominance over the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth. Even King Stanisław August Poniatowski himself joined this confederation. He is a tragic figure. Torn between the desire to reform the country and his alliance—and above all, his affair with the empress—as well as unpaid loans contracted in Russia, he committed an open betrayal of his homeland and his ideals.
It would seem that the post-partition period became a sufficient lesson in history and politics for the Polish nation. United in the struggle for independence, we became a free state with the ability to determine our own future. We confirmed this right by winning the Polish–Russian War, while the Battle of Warsaw itself became a national symbol of struggle and courage that endures to this day.
Unfortunately, the elites of the Second Polish Republic were unable to appreciate freedom. Divisions and attempts at destabilization emerged once again. Successive governments fell, while democracy itself transformed into “sejmocracy”. This was a state of exceptionally extensive parliamentary powers, which led to the destabilization of the country. Under this system, according to the March Constitution, the president’s role was marginal. This led to the May Coup.
To this day, Piłsudski is criticized for this rather drastic step. But perhaps this was what had to be done? Sometimes the most radical actions are necessary, although one must always be guided by the national and social good. The coup carried out by the Marshal divided Poles. Contemporary left-wing and agrarian circles condemn this event as an act of civil war. The controversy surrounding it, however, does not prevent us from expressing respect and remembrance for Piłsudski, who is a symbol of an independent Poland.
The outbreak of the Second World War brought social unity in the fight against the occupier. Yet even during the war, Poles fought among themselves. An example is General Władysław Sikorski, who, after becoming prime minister and commander-in-chief, not only began looking after Polish interests on the international stage but also started a purge among officers associated with the Piłsudski camp, whom he imprisoned on the Isle of Bute. Such revenge may have been the cause of his tragic death. We all know that the general died in a crash in Gibraltar on 4 July 1943, yet some historians, such as Dariusz Baliszewski, promote the theory that the crash was a conspiracy, a deliberate act.
The nature of theories is that they are overly theoretical. Nevertheless, when considering this matter, we must look clearly at certain facts. General Sikorski’s death suited both the English and the Russians. Investigations into the Katyn massacre harmed Churchill’s alliance with Stalin. After the death of the commander-in-chief, the coffin was forbidden to be opened in Great Britain, and the funeral was arranged in haste. Documents concerning the crash itself were classified for 50 years. After that period elapsed, they were classified again. We will learn their contents no earlier than 2033.
It is possible that it was sabotage, while the most horrifying thesis speaks of cooperation between the English and the Poles. The English may have prepared an assassination, which could have been carried out by Polish hands. Historical publications contain the term “Operation »Wall«”, carried out by Sikorski’s opponents at the behest of the British authorities. If this theory were to prove true, it would demonstrate only that although we are one nation, we are still capable of fighting one another—to the death.
The period of People’s Poland united us. Through joint efforts, Poles regained their lost sovereignty. Numerous protests, also paid for with workers’ blood, became the cause of the regime’s collapse. The common struggle, overcoming martial law and active involvement in the first free elections united the masses. Yet after 1989, something broke. From that time onward, Polish-versus-Polish skirmishes began again, particularly on ideological grounds.
The chairman of “Solidarity” was not the best president. The first governments of the first prime ministers also lasted only briefly. Economic problems influenced social divisions. The banner faded more and more...
Why did we stop being a civil society? After all, it was precisely then that we had the best tools for it. Perhaps everyone followed the new capitalist reality too closely. The old arrangement was replaced by a new one. We turned a hero, a Nobel Peace Prize laureate, into an informer. Even now, new and extraordinary facts have emerged.
It is difficult to assess the matter of TW Bolek. It has a political dimension, not a historical one. The greatest problem is not that controversial documents incriminating Wałęsa emerged. What is staggering is that the issue was not clarified in the 1990s. That was the time for explanations, investigations and the search for truth. In the current situation, nothing is clear or transparent anymore. Whatever is said about this subject now will only cause division.
The ideals of “Solidarity” were and remain ideals of the highest value. Only mutual cooperation, particularly in economic and social matters, can bring development in every sphere in the future.
Joint action and supporting the community that we are in every area—the same street, district, city and village—can restore the former radiance of forgotten ideals for which our heroes shed their blood. Let us build civil society. Let us unite, rather than divide. Our fellow countryman John Paul II spoke of this many times. Although he is surely not an authority for everyone, his voice, regardless of religious denomination or political views, should nevertheless be heard:
[...] this is my mother, this land! This is my mother, this homeland! These are my brothers and sisters! And understand, all of you who approach these matters recklessly, understand that I cannot be indifferent to these matters; they cannot fail to hurt me! They should hurt you too! It is easy to destroy, harder to rebuild. There has been too much destruction for too long! We must rebuild intensively! We cannot continue to destroy recklessly!
Let us rediscover within ourselves the old, forgotten ideals. Let us remember everything that unites us rather than divides us. Small steps and small things often build great achievements. Let us become witnesses to a Poland founded on solidarity.
Paweł Skiersinis
The author is a blogger and a history enthusiast, particularly interested in the history of Lower Silesia and Poland. Why Lower Silesia? As he himself says: “Why not? The most interesting history is the history around us, concerning us and our ancestors.”
And he adds: “I try to present history from a different perspective, in an interesting way, not in the typically textbook style, full of dry dates and facts. The articles I present concern facts that we will not find in textbooks or well-known publications. The history of Lower Silesia is undoubtedly interesting and fascinating, so it is sometimes worth devoting even a brief moment to it.”