The conflict over the border with Czechoslovakia returned during the final phase of World War II. It is known primarily as the dispute over Zaolzie. Equally interesting is the history of territorial claims concerning Lower Silesia. Today I will focus exclusively on this issue. The matter is highly complex. Diplomatic services from both countries were involved in resolving it on both sides.
To begin with, it must be clearly stated that this was a Polish-Czechoslovak conflict, not, as is often claimed, a Polish-Czech one. Both during the interwar period and after 1945, a Czechoslovak state existed. It was not only the Czechs who were interested in the disputed territory. In Spiš and Orava, Slovak administration operated in the spring of 1945. It was tolerated by the Red Army. A Slovak militia also operated there, and the Provisional Government of the Republic of Poland demanded its withdrawal. I will merely note that the territory of Orava and a small area of Spiš were seized by Poland by force in October 1938. This action was a consequence of the “peace at any price” signed in Munich on September 30, 1938. Under its terms, Czechoslovakia had to cede the Sudeten German territories to the Third Reich. Poland took advantage of Prague’s difficult situation. Unfortunately, this action brought Poland “bad press.” In Western Europe, the forcible seizure of Zaolzie, Spiš and Orava was treated as contributing to the gradual annexation of all of Czechoslovakia. Of course, public opinion was selective. It forgot that the Western powers—Great Britain, France and Italy—had decided to transfer the territory of a sovereign state, our southern neighbor.
In turn, in September 1939, Slovak troops entered Spiš and Orava and once again occupied the area.
In 1945, the affiliation of Zaolzie was an important issue. This colloquial name refers specifically to the western part of the Upper Silesian Duchy of Cieszyn, with its capital in Cieszyn. The duchy existed until 1918 and was then part of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy. Polish rule in the duchy ended in 1653, when the local Piast line died out.
As we can see, Poland certainly had the right to demand that this territory belong to it. Toward the end of World War II, the dispute over Spiš and Orava had become secondary. Czechoslovak authorities even abandoned the struggle for this area. They believed that surrendering Orava and Spiš would strengthen them diplomatically in the fight over Zaolzie and German former Lower Silesia. Czechoslovak Minister of Information Václav Kopecký demanded that his government become involved in obtaining the Kłodzko Valley and the areas around Racibórz and Głubczyce. He argued that Poland would gain substantial German territories.
The Czech Silesian National Council went even further. In its view, Czechoslovakia should also annex the Legnica, southern part of the Wrocław and Świdnica regions, as well as the following cities: Nysa, Kłodzko, Opole, Gliwice, Rybnik and Pszczyna. [Zob. W. Rojek, Kształtowanie się polsko-czechosłowackiej granicy państwowej w 1945 r., s. 439].
The Czechoslovak authorities officially appealed to Moscow for permission for the local administration to perform its duties. Appropriate orders were to be passed on to the Red Army commander in that territory. The Czechs also informed Washington of their plans to occupy the Kłodzko Valley. At the same time, the authorities of Czechoslovakia emphasized their readiness to reach an agreement with Poland and respect the international decisions that were to be made at the peace conference. As Marek K. Kamiński writes:
[…] the Czechoslovak side evidently wished to give the Anglo-Saxon powers the impression that it would be a more reliable partner than Poland, which employed a policy of faits accomplis. [Ibidem].
For the Czechoslovak side, the “border problem” did not exist. Czechoslovak representatives skillfully played the issue of the affiliation of a broad strip of Lower Silesia on the international stage. It should be added that the Kłodzko Land did indeed belong to the Bohemian Crown until 1742, which in turn was part of the Habsburg monarchy. This state of affairs changed when Empress Maria Theresa, as a result of the First Silesian War, lost almost all of Lower Silesia and the Kłodzko Land to Prussia. This situation lasted until 1945. It should also be remembered that the present Polish-Czech border coincides with the prewar border between Czechoslovakia and Germany.
The position of Tomáš Masaryk, the first Czechoslovak president, is extremely interesting. He is regarded as one of the fathers of the common state of Czechs and Slovaks. He believed that the newly established independent Polish state was already a historical relic. In his view, internal conflicts would prevent the Republic of Poland from building an efficient state, which would ultimately succumb to its powerful neighbors. Such an outcome, according to the president, would be an excellent lesson for chauvinistic Poles.
But was the Polish-Czechoslovak conflict serious enough to threaten war? Some historians and commentators reject this thesis. Let us therefore examine the situation in Lower Silesia at that time.
The border in the Lower Silesian area had not yet been finally confirmed. The Big Three peace conference in Potsdam would not take place until July 1945. Czechoslovak units, both military and militia, could enter Lower Silesia without difficulty. They ventured 10–12 kilometers into Polish territory. They reached, among other places, Racibórz. Similar incidents also occurred in the Świeradów area. The Czechs claimed, among other places, Stóg Izerski and the Świeradów area.
On June 10, 1945, Czechoslovak troops appeared in Chałupki. Czechoslovak militia occupied Lewin Kłodzki, while the Czechs were already on the outskirts of Racibórz. At that point, several dozen towns in the Kłodzko Land were already in the hands of our southern neighbors. Their main objectives were Racibórz, Kłodzko and Głubczyce. On June 9, Prime Minister Edward Osóbka-Morawski received a diplomatic note from the Czechs concerning their intention to occupy Kłodzko. The Polish prime minister no longer had time for diplomatic procedures. The Polish army was also placed on the highest alert. When occupying Chałupki, the Czechs expelled all Poles from the town.
Then, on June 22, 1945, the Poles confiscated all Czechoslovak flags in the town. On June 16, the Polish army concentrated approximately 1,000 soldiers in the Cieszyn area. The Poles were ready to enter Zaolzie. Ultimately, however, the Czechs did not occupy Kłodzko, Racibórz or Głubczyce, and the Poles did not cross the Olza. The reason was the Soviets’ firm reaction.
The reason for the Czechs’ bold actions may have been a Soviet map on which the border had been incorrectly drawn along the Krzyżanowice–Odra–Olza line. The map was prepared by Lieutenant Colonel Jepifanow, an officer of the Red Army’s 4th Ukrainian Front. In addition, the Soviets gave permission to enter the Racibórz area. It is possible that this error encouraged the Czechoslovak army to intervene quickly. On the other hand, the Czechs did not need any provisional map at all. They had already made demands concerning the areas around Legnica, Wałbrzych, Jelenia Góra, Świeradów and Świdnica, as well as the southern part of the Wrocław region. There were also calls for Upper Lusatia to be granted to Czechoslovakia. The Czechoslovak side justified such extensive territorial claims by arguing that Poland had received substantial compensation for the lost Eastern Borderlands, and that Czechoslovakia should return to its pre-Munich borders (the 1938 Munich Agreement). In addition, it should receive territories belonging to enemy states (Germany).
The disputes also reached Śnieżka, which was a strategic objective in the Karkonosze Mountains. Radio communications were conducted from there. The summit was captured by the Czechs on May 17. From that moment, a Czechoslovak flag and inscriptions in Czech appeared at the summit. The weather station began sending weather reports to Prague. In June 1945, Polish troops appeared on Śnieżka. A Polish post was established, and the Czechoslovak flag was removed. In September, the meteorological observatory was taken over by the Poles.
From July 16 to 25, 1946, negotiations were held in Prague. Polish experts presented a proposal to exchange the disputed territories with Czechoslovakia. All proposals were rejected by the Czechoslovak side [zob. https://mirsk.eu/goraca-granica/].
Under Stalin’s pressure, the Czechs signed a treaty of friendship with Poland on March 10, 1947. The border issue was not settled until June 13, 1958. The agreement provided for:
- leaving the Polish-Czechoslovak border in Cieszyn Silesia as it stood in 1920
- in Spiš and Orava, as it stood in 1924
- the Lower Silesian section of the border was to follow the 1938 Czechoslovak-German border, with the Kłodzko Valley on the Polish side
- a correction to the 1958 border, with the settlement of Tkacze being transferred to Czechoslovakia.
The Polish-Czechoslovak border conflict was a very serious dispute. It significantly harmed relations between the two countries. In fact, neither side obtained more than what the Soviet side had originally guaranteed. The Czechs received no additional territories in Lower Silesia, while the Poles retained the status quo in Zaolzie. The Polish authorities failed to regain Spiš and Orava.
Is such a border fair? It is difficult to give a definite answer. Certainly, preserving the former 1938 Czechoslovak-German border is a fair solution. It is also clear that Lower Silesia is natural compensation for the territory lost in the east. Roosevelt mentioned this compensation during the war in a conversation with General Sikorski.
The dispute certainly did not escalate thanks to the intervention of the Soviet Union, which could not allow even the smallest armed actions between “brotherly nations.” That would have been politically unacceptable.
Paweł Skiersinis
The author is a blogger and history enthusiast, particularly interested in the history of Lower Silesia and Poland. Why Lower Silesia? As he himself says: “Why not? The most fascinating history is the history around us, concerning us and our ancestors.”
He adds: “I try to present history from a different perspective, in an engaging way, not in the typical textbook style, full of dry dates and facts. My articles concern facts that we will not find in textbooks and well-known publications. The history of Lower Silesia is undoubtedly fascinating and compelling, so it is worth devoting at least a brief moment to it from time to time.”